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I was ecstatic when President Joe Biden, in late January, took executive action halting new oil and gas leasing on America’s public lands and offshore waters. It was an accomplishment that required millions of people to speak out because we know that addressing the climate crisis requires bold action.

But I was also realistic, fully aware that the fossil fuel barons—and the politicians they fund—would immediately fight to overturn President Biden’s order. At WildEarth Guardians, we knew we still had plenty of work to ensure just and equitable action for the climate, frontline communities, and our future.

In June, Republican-led states beholden to the oil and gas industry got a federal judge to order the Biden administration to restart the sale of oil and gas leases on public lands. On August 31, the administration announced its intention to auction off more than 740,000 acres in states including Montana, New Mexico, Colorado, Nevada, Utah, Wyoming, Mississippi, and Alabama.

As our relentless Climate and Energy Program Director, Jeremy Nichols, told the national media, “These new plans to sell public lands for fracking are nothing but a shattered promise from the Biden administration to put climate, justice, and health first. Rest assured, we will be doing everything within our power to block these plans.”

Stand with us for climate action and climate justice: Demand President Biden keep his promise to keep dirty fossil fuels in the ground.

More than a decade ago, Guardians set forth on an audacious campaign to defend the climate and end the sale of dirty fossil fuels from public lands. You have been with us every step of the way. We are not about to give up now, and neither should you.

We simply can’t frack our way to a safe climate and can’t afford to keep selling public lands to the oil and gas industry. Join me in telling President Biden to keep his climate promises. Speak up and demand action today.

My time in New Mexico public education certainly taught me one thing—that our public schools are woefully ill-equipped to prepare the next generation with the tools we need to solve the climate crisis.

I remember feeling hopelessly defeated when I first realized how quickly the world was changing due to climate change. I was eight years old, listening to my third grade teacher explain that fossil fuels, the United States main source of energy, would be all used up by the time we were her age. I was sitting next to the people I would spend the next few years with, all of us unprepared for our uncertain futures ahead. We were all shocked when my teacher’s next words were, “And it’s up to your generation to figure out what to do! Good luck!”

Hungry for action, my classmates and I banded together to form an “earth club,” buying beans and paper cups, planting seeds in wet paper towels. We nourished and cared for our little bean seedlings in the weeks that followed, as if we were nourishing our future. And though I can look back fondly at that time, the truth is, I knew even then that well-meaning efforts failed to address the root of the problem.

From kindergarten to high school, everything I’ve learned in class was rooted in the same perspective, a story of infinite entitlement with no consequence. Our history was taught from the exclusive vantage of heroic colonizers, scrubbed clean of actual deaths, their horrendous crimes tucked away into footnotes, if present at all. The exploitation of New Mexico’s land and people was always taught to be a victory. There were no stories offered to challenge this perspective, or to promote a worldview where the extraction of resources and people would be more perilous than celebratory.

I remember my sophomore year, when I took my first class in New Mexico history. We read a romanticized story about a European woman who settled in the New Mexico desert to escape the east coast industrialization. Her diary was rooted in entitlement as she wrote about her annoyances over those city dwellers who followed her out into the desert, occupying ‘her land.’ In class, I expected to discuss the irony of her frustration, especially as a newcomer to New Mexico in the early 20th century after centuries of settlements. But we never did.

Sure, we learned about the skinning, raping, and the stealing of land and people, and of the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, but we acted as if these historic events and their consequences were safely frozen in time. As if the crimes of our ancestors have no impact on us today. Our education never explored the consequences of colonization, which would have better prepared us to reckon with the trials of climate change and resource colonialism today. We never talked about the fatal flaws of creating an economy based on the extraction of land, lives, and livelihoods and how that practice would ultimately create fossil fuel barrons and climate catastrophes.

Outside of school, I learned about the stranglehold the oil and gas industry has had on almost every aspect of New Mexico policy and way of life. Touting its funding of public education, the oil and gas industry threatens the state with financial collapse if we dare to choose a different path beyond modern-day resource colonialism.

New Mexico has been a resource colony even before it was a state. Now, New Mexico is the second biggest oil producing state in the nation, with little to show for it beyond a legacy of sacrifice zones.  Our state ranks lowest in the nation for public education, with the lowest overall opportunity and quality of life, and the highest rates of childhood poverty and hunger. New Mexican families are losing their homes and their land while their children attend schools funded by the culprits.

From one election year to another, oil and gas companies pour millions of dollars into political campaigns, as we all witness the barrage of attack ads on anyone that would challenge the status quo of colonialism. New Mexico politicians tell us that being a resource colony and extracting oil and gas means improving our state, giving us more to spend on education and on the future of our children.  Rooted in a sense of infinite entitlement with no consequence, they promise endless profit through the destruction of our lands and culture. They promise better education for students while they frack away our future.

Children of the 21st century are the ones forced to reckon with these broken promises. We have learned from a young age that our way of life is not sustainable simply by witnessing the world around us change.

We’ve seen years of drought and forest fires, rising temperatures and destructive oil spills.  We’ve seen firsthand the ecosystems that once thrived in the Rio Grande visibly struggle as countless species face extinction, the river itself drying up for more miles each year than ever before. We’ve watched forest fires shroud our horizons, no longer a seasonal event, but now a season in and of itself.

The world is changing.  Generation Z can’t look to the future with the same hope that previous generations have. We have grown up in the shadow of fear, uncertainty and denial. There is no certainty of a steady career path, no promise that the home our family has built will still be here decades down the road. We have no hope of a vocation that can protect us from the fallout of compounding crises that come with climate change.

Even today, public schools teach little, if anything, about how to move beyond the extractive industries that have bled our state dry. Everything I’ve learned about solutions for a better future, I’ve learned from tidbits in newspapers, from my family, and from activists and advocacy organizations. Certainly not from my public education, from the politicians I watch on TV,  or from the industries that perpetuate the problem.

If our leaders fail to reckon with the colonial mindset and centuries of resource extraction, they will perpetuate the sacrifice of our land and people. By not addressing the need for systemic reform, for true justice and reconciliation, we remain on the path to nowhere, with no tools to face the challenge ahead.

The Biden Administration has promised to finally reconcile the federal oil and gas leasing program with climate realities, accounting for the cumulative impacts of oil and gas on climate, culture, and communities. So far, President Biden has yet to deliver, as the administration just announced its intent to lease more than 700,000 acres of public lands for more fracking across the West. That’s why WildEarth Guardians is asking the public to demand President Biden keep his promise to keep dirty fossil fuels in the ground.

If promises are kept, we have a chance to turn the page and end an era of extractive colonialism, but the shackles of oil and gas seem to drag our leaders behind.

When the Biden Administration first called for a halt to new oil and gas leases, New Mexico’s own Governor Michelle Lujan Grisham opposed. She echoed the threats of industry—a worse-off New Mexico with less oil and gas, less money towards public education. But we’re already leading the nation in oil and gas pollution, at the bottom of all the best lists and at the top of all the worst ones. If Michelle Lujan Grisham wants to improve the education of students of New Mexico, why is she allowing our future to be fracked away? Why isn’t she demanding Biden keep his promise?

To better prepare students to solve the problems of today, we can no longer follow the culprits and the colonized mindset that brought us here. By holding public education hostage to oil and gas revenue, our politicians are not only sentencing students to a poor education, they are also auctioning off our livelihoods.

My generation has risen up, not by desire but by necessity. Now, our leaders must step up, turning their climate rhetoric into actual policy, abandoning the colonizing mindset for a frame of climate justice. We simply cannot afford the continued sacrifice of our land, lives, and livelihoods to more broken promises.

You can listen to an auto-recording of this piece here:

 

Elia Vasquez is a WildEarth Guardians intern and a sophomore at New Mexico State University. A shorter version of this piece originally ran in the Albuquerque Journal.

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This piece originally appeared in our Summer 2021 newsletter, “Wild at Heart.” Read the entire newsletter here.

There’s a question taped to the wall in my office that I refer to every morning. It reads: Each of us must experience one of two pains—the pain of discipline or the pain of regret. Which pain will you choose? In running WildEarth Guardians, I aim to choose the disciplined path, prioritizing the most difficult, important, and impactful work every day.

As a nation, we face the same pain point decision in addressing the climate crisis. Either we must choose the heroic path—transforming our economy to decarbonize—or we must face the grim realities of a world destabilized by our worsening climate emergency.

When President Biden issued the Executive Order enacting a moratorium on the sale of oil and gas underneath America’s public lands, he said we need to raise our “climate ambition.”

For more than a decade, WildEarth Guardians’ bold position on keeping fossil fuels in the ground has defined ambitious, supply-side climate policy. Now comes the choice point for leaders at the state and federal level. Will our leaders embrace the hard realities of this moment, or will they ignore the climate emergency?

I used to say the crisis would be faced by generations ahead. Then I said decades ahead. Today, because the climate emergency is here, I say the time is now. The latest evidence is the heat dome in the Pacific Northwest.

With this urgent reality, Guardians is applying relentless pressure in the courts and on elected officials in the American West—including especially the Governors of Colorado and New Mexico—to increase their climate ambition and aggressively oppose the powerful oil & gas industry. We believe a good place to start is a call for an end to the further sale of oil & gas leasing from public lands.

WildEarth Guardians will continue to push industry, the Biden administration, Congress, and state officials to ensure the pain of decarbonization comes now rather than the pain of a worsening climate emergency in the years ahead.

Please do your part for climate action: Urge President Biden to keep dirty fossil fuels in the ground on public lands and ask your members of Congress to co-sponsor and pass the Keep It In The Ground Act.

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The United States is facing a crisis in abandoned infrastructure, or “orphanage,” among the oil and gas industry. This crisis has been succinctly described by Megan Milliken Biven & Regan Boychuk as well as extensively reported on by the think tank Carbon Tracker, as in herehere, and here. The problem is that properly decommissioning oil wells is expensive, and simply walking away from them (so far) has not been. Many wells can produce indefinitely in lower and lower amounts, until the cost of operating them exceeds the available profits. At this point the operator will plug (if they are willing and able to plug) or walk away (if they aren’t).

The problem with orphans has many facets. Having operators profit from assets and abandon their liabilities is a massive subsidy to the oil and gas industry at a time we should be investing in renewable energy. These wells can cost hundreds of thousands of dollars apiece to plug, even before reclaiming the land or remediating pollution costs are considered. Additionally, a well is a piece of property — the state can’t just go plug it, it has to go through a formal legal process of being declared abandoned. This imposes administrative burdens, delays, and costs as public agency staff must essentially build a legal case against an operator. It can take years to move a particular operator into “orphan status.” Then there are the constraints around publicly run plugging operations. In Colorado, where I live, our Oil and Gas Conservation Commission’s Orphan Well Program has a budget of up to 5 million dollars per year and five full time staff. However the Program has never plugged more than 61 wells in a year. Even if the program could be doubled or even tripled in size, the state currently has approximately 11,000 inactive wells — and is expecting many thousands more in the near future.

We need the oil and gas industry to pay their closure costs up front

Increasing the up-front payment of abandonment costs for all oil and gas sites and facilities, including wells, locations, pits, tanks, waste disposal sites, and processing facilities, is absolutely critical to the goal of preventing future abandonment. Up-front payment of 100% of the expected costs would remove the profit incentive to abandon an oil and gas facility. It would also take advantage of the fact that wells are most productive at the beginning of their useful lives, meaning the greatest amount of cash is flowing then.

The oil and gas industry has proven that it is not a trustworthy one. It has already left a landscape across the United States that is littered with abandoned oil and gas facilities, including the one in Louisiana that killed 14 year old Zalee Gail Day-Smith in February of 2021. Many of these orphans are created by small “wildcat” operators — but not all. One reason we see more small operators abandoning their facilities is that large operators originally spun off those facilities when they became less profitable.

We must confront the two problems facing the United States with respect to our aging oil and gas infrastructure. First is the fact that we already have an enormous number of wells that are legally orphaned, functionally abandoned, or are producing such low quantities that their owners could never afford to pay to plug and abandon them (unless they had other, more productive assets). The second is that we have some very large operators with many thousands of wells, and these wells are often much more expensive to plug and abandon because they are deeper, fracked wells, on larger disturbed area locations, and have much more infrastructure associated with them. If we charged these operators the “up-front” costs of plugging and abandoning these assets it would run into many billions of dollars for a single company. The logistics of collecting and managing such large sums, not to mention the potential for protracted (although likely frivolous) litigation from the industry, are daunting.

Colorado’s proposed new financial assurance rules

Pursuant to a change in the law made in 2019, the Colorado Oil and Gas Conservation Commission just a few months ago put forward a set of draft rule proposals for amending their rules on bonding, or “financial assurances.” These rules would require the majority of Colorado’s oil and gas operators to pay $78,000 per well, but would allow other operators to bond their wells under a blanket bonding regime for as little as $1,250. The only condition to qualify for these blanket bonds is to have a low number of low producing (under 5 barrels of oil equivalent or “BOE”*/day) wells, or to plug a certain percentage of their own wells per year. The choice of $78,000 as a representative amount is just wrong. It’s a number that will be 3x too high for some wells, and 3x too low for many, many others, and was based on faulty data inputs that have since been corrected. However, it is the blanket bonding option that poses the most serious kinds of financial and safety risks to the state.

We cannot afford to assume that operators with large amounts of production relative to their total number of wells will not abandon their facilities. In Colorado in 2020 an oil producer called Petroshare declared bankruptcy and abandoned its wells to the Orphan Well Program at an estimated cost of about 16 million dollars. At the time, Petroshare was among the top 15% of producers per well with an average of over 26 BOE per well per day. Petroshare might have actually qualified for blanket bonding as a “Tier 2” operator prior to its bankruptcy.** The state would have collected 1.5 million dollars for its blanket bond, and another 1.26 million dollars for its inactive wells. While 2.76 million would have been an improvement over the $325,000 the state actually had from Petroshare, it is still almost six times less than the state is anticipated to spend to deal with Petroshare’s orphans. Even under the lowest “Tier 3” status, where operators would have to pay a bond for each individual well, at $78,000 per well the company would have had only 4.35 million in bonds, while the projected costs of its orphans are 3.5 times larger.

Why is adequate bonding a health and safety issue?

When companies walk away from their oil and gas assets they leave physical problems behind. Leaking methane is one of the biggest. Methane from inactive wells averages 12 grams per hour per well, but there can be “super-emitters” that spew methane at rates thousands of times higher. When wells are abandoned and fall into disrepair it can take a lot longer for this problem to be identified and corrected. This methane is potentially explosive, and these explosions can be and have been deadly. It happened in February, killing a girl who was playing near an abandoned oil tank in Louisiana. It happened here in Colorado when a temporarily abandoned well leaked methane into the basement of a house, which exploded in 2017 killing Joey Irwin and Mark Martinez. Methane is also an incredibly potent greenhouse gas, trapping heat 100 times more strongly than carbon dioxide over a 20-year timeframe.

When oil and gas facilities are abandoned it takes time for the responsible state agency to move through its routine. The staff of that agency must identify rule violations, provide warnings, make allegations, and provide notice and a hearing. Each one of these steps can take months to years. In Colorado, once the operator has had its bond claimed and its licensing revoked, the state’s Orphan Well Program will add the facility to its list of projects which can itself be many years long even with the current “low” number of official orphans. In the meantime, the gas just keeps escaping.

Preventing well abandonment

I believe that the two problems of (1) undercapitalized operators with too many wells that need plugging, and (2) big operators with a lower probability of imminent failure, but whose “real” bonding levels would easily reach into the billions, might cancel each other out if an appropriate regulatory framework could be crafted. On the one hand: semi-broke operators with tens of thousands of wells in Colorado alone that the owners cannot afford to plug or pay bonds on, and don’t want to have to pay to keep in safe condition. On the other hand: a fistful of giant companies with enormous future plugging/bonding costs that are also less likely to pose an imminent risk (assuming they are preventing from spinning off their less productive wells to more vulnerable operators the way they have done). Give the rich guys some incentive to plug wells for the poor guys, and make the poor guys pay what they can.

But the only way to provide the incentives to both the rich guys and the poor guys is for the state to set the financial assurance/bond levels at the true cost of plugging and abandonment. If the bonds are lower than the true cost, there will always be a financial incentive to walk away. If we “pull punches” up front we are robbing ourselves of the tools we need to hold the industry accountable for cleaning up its own messes, and we will continue to barrel headlong into the orphan well crisis already in progress.

*Barrel of oil equivalent, or BOE, is equal to one barrel of oil or 6 MCF (thousand cubic feet) of fracked gas.

** A Tier 2 operator would be one where at least 40% of its wells produce more than 5 BOE/day.

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It’s hard to imagine a name less befitting the grandeur of the endangered grouse than “lesser prairie chicken.” Trifling grouse, maybe? Boring ground bird? It’s hard to say which is the worst. All of them fall far short in capturing the striking physical appearance and peculiar mating behavior of the prairie denizen.

Sure, the lesser prairie chicken wambles a bit in flight because of a body that looks like a partially deflated balloon. But this bird also boasts coral-colored throat sacs, bright orange eye combs, and expressive ear tufts that stand up like a headdress when the male is engaged in pageantry and droop in hangdog fashion following a rejection or a defeat in battle. In a weird way, the incongruity between the prairie chicken’s plump shape and brilliant adornments only adds to its allure. It’s nature’s equivalent of the family station wagon tricked out with racing stripes and a rear spoiler. It’s impossible not to watch as it cruises by.

The lesser prairie chicken’s mating behavior might be even more fascinating than its appearance. When lesser prairie-chickens lek (breed), a whole host of males will compete for some personal space in the sand sage so that they can entice females to view an elaborate mating display. The few females that dare enter this obstreperous battle ground are pursued relentlessly, which should come as no surprise to anyone familiar with the human dating scene. The males will puff and stunt and grapple as they struggle for attention. Erratic clashes send peppery feathers flying through the air to get caught in the grama stalks and sagebrush. The bird becomes a blaze of sunset colors as he stamps, shuffles, and bobs among the buffalo grass. He will genuflect before a female, wings spread out on the ground, his tail lifted. Or perhaps he’ll perform a flutter jump with quick flaps of striped wings. The dance is a signal of both fitness and intelligence, and females choose the prospective mate with the smartest moves.

The sweetness of the song matters, too, and males will trill and chortle in their attempt to win a female chicken’s approval. When male chickens pin their heads forward to make a slow, seductive approach, they flare their tails and peak their ear feathers as their throats grow swollen with a booming vibrato song. A male will squeak, cackle, drum, and gobble, and his voice will rise in an excited “pike call” when he feels the time is ripe to woo a mate. His boom can travel a mile across the plains, sounding like approaching thunder. If a competitor interrupts, the birds break back into combat with stabbing beaks and swinging wings. When the feathers clear, the victor gets right back to dancing and singing.

It’s a ritual that might seem better suited to the rainforest, where the far more charitably named superb bird of paradise struts his stuff. Or maybe you’d expect such grandiose behavior from the more positively monikered bowerbird—who will adorn his tiny palace of sticks with colorful litter and show off his wing flicks when a potential mate comes to scope out his digs. But, unlike the Bowerbirds, you won’t find an Indie band calling themselves the Lesser Prairie Chickens, at least not without a heavy dose of irony. The hidden cost of such a misnomer is that those unacquainted with the lesser prairie chicken’s humble majesties find it easy to subject the bird to scorn or depict it as insignificant. After all, what’s one little chicken against the tide of economic progress?

Quite a lot, actually. For one, the lesser prairie chicken’s decline can teach us important lessons about the sensitivity and interdependence of ecosystems. The deliberate eradication of bison and prairie dogs, and the suppression of naturally occurring wildfires, allowed mesquite, redcedar, and other woody plants to pervade the shortgrass prairie, disrupting prairie chicken breeding and nesting grounds. Mess with even one player in an ecosystem, and watch the rest suffer. If the losses snowball? Well, the extinction of the lesser prairie chicken could serve as a tipping point for the collapse of an iconic American landscape. Such is the peril of eliminating species that have existed on the American prairie for tens of thousands of years.

The lesser prairie chicken also serves as a herald for the precarity of its prairie habitats. When climatic and habitat conditions are favorable for the lesser prairie chicken, livestock fares well. When things are rough for the prairie chicken, ranchers and farmers can expect a hard season. In other words, the herd does as the bird does.

Despite the prairie chicken’s clear role in supporting human endeavors, we’ve responded by decimating its habitat, chopping it up with cropland, livestock grazing areas, fences, oil and gas wells, powerlines (which provide a perch for birds of prey), buildings, and roads. We’ve diminished the lesser prairie chicken’s habitat by 85%, and as a result their population has declined by as much as 99% in some ecoregions. Of the remaining habitat patches, only around .1% are sufficiently unfragmented to sustain even a minimum population of lesser prairie chickens. A decade ago, an already diminished lesser prairie chicken population declined by half in a single year. The threats to the bird are myriad. Lesser prairie chickens succumb to fungus-based biotoxins that fester in waste grains and watch their eggs get thrashed by harvesting equipment or get roasted in their nests by soaring temperatures. Lesser prairie chickens are hardy and can typically satisfy their water needs on dew and sand sage, but in times of drought, which climate change is making more frequent and severe, they seek out larger water sources, where more predators lurk in wait.

Field studies have suggested that oil and gas development could completely eliminate lesser prairie chicken populations. This is because the birds don’t just avoid the roads built to access stations or the wellpads themselves, but flee the entire oil and gas field. The birds despise the wellfield noise and oil-well-wastewater.

Rather than support a bird whose diet is primarily comprised of insects that damage crops, and whose wellbeing is a bellwether for the health of an entire ecosystem, some still argue that we should give priority to the same fossil fuel interests we’ve propped up with tax and energy policies for a century—despite the enormous profits the industry already reaps and the enormous damage it inflicts. In one year, the 1,800 largest fossil fuel companies made $500 billion in profits, yet they still received direct subsidies totaling $700 billion. That astronomical number doesn’t even include the health and environmental costs of pollution that are passed on to the public. The estimates for subsidies can climb as high as $5 trillion per year when all the damages that will occur as a result of climate-related events are accounted for. Fossil fuel companies then use those subsidies to quash environmental protection efforts.

But it’s the environmental protection efforts that work and the subsidies that don’t. Ninety-nine percent of species granted Endangered Species Act protections have avoided extinction, and concerted conservation efforts have been successful at boosting the lesser prairie chicken population levels in recent years. In contrast, fossil fuel subsidies have forever failed to improve production or create jobs. They’re so ineffective that the costs, in terms of public health and production lost due to pollution, actually exceed the value of the subsidies.

Don’t be fooled by fearmongering—the only way to gain true energy independence is to ditch fossil fuels. Endangered Species Act protections are stiff, so the proposed listing of the lesser prairie chicken as endangered in its southern range and threatened in the northern grasslands could play a huge role in shutting off the wellspring of wasted money taxpayers gift to fossil fuel executives, a gratuity that comes at the expense of taxpayer’s own health and the wellbeing of their environments.

The lesser prairie chicken is anything but trifling or boring, and a grouse by any other name would sing as sweetly. It’s past time we stopped propping up industries that pollute our prairies and started supporting the animals that lend them song and color. For heaven is here where the prairie chicken lives.

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While New Mexico’s oil and gas industry is bemoaning President Biden’s pause on new federal oil and gas leasing, claiming it has the potential to cost the state “billions,” the truth is the industry actually exacts a terrible financial toll on the people and communities in the Land of Enchantment.

Just what does this terrible toll look like?

For starters, let’s consider all the climate pollution released by New Mexico oil and gas companies.  As we’ve reported, the state’s industry is responsible for nearly 50 coal-fired power plants of carbon emissions, more than any other source. That includes potent methane gas and carbon dioxide released when oil and gas produced in New Mexico is burned.

All told, these greenhouse gas emissions cost our society as a whole $3 billion annually. These costs come from sea level rise, wildfires, increased air pollution, drought, crop damage, and other destruction wrought by the climate crisis.

In New Mexico, the costs of the climate crisis are staggering. Estimates indicate the state already pays $1.6 billion every year because of the changing climate. These costs come from increased air pollution and associated deaths and illnesses, higher residential air conditioning costs, more frequent and severe forest fires, and decreased water supplies.

Reports show farmers in New Mexico already pay $73 million annually because of climate change while New Mexicans pay $248 million more in energy bills every year because of warming temperatures and extreme weather.

Conveniently, oil and gas companies and their political cronies decline to mention these climate costs and deny that New Mexicans shoulder any of these liabilities.

It doesn’t end there, however.

The true cost of the oil and gas industry to New Mexico is staggering, with the toll including extensive air and water contamination, land destruction, poverty, injustice, and economic instability. Let’s take a look at some of the dirty details:

In many cases, however, the real costs of oil and gas to New Mexico are less quantitative and more intuitive. After all, if the oil and gas industry’s largesse was so beneficial to the state, clearly we should we tangible riches and advancements. We don’t.

In fact, while the oil and gas industry purportedly generates “billions” in revenue for New Mexico, the state ranks dead last or near last for a number of critical social metrics, including:

In terms of the best overall states, New Mexico is 48th out of 50, edging out Louisiana and Mississippi.

All of this begs the question:  If the oil and gas industry is the key to New Mexico’s economic prosperity, why isn’t the state one of the most prosperous in the U.S.?

The reason is simple:  Despite the hard work of New Mexicans to support their families and communities, the industry has lobbied fiercely to convince the state’s politicians to keep New Mexico shackled to oil and gas.

It’s not a surprise that virtually every single state elected official, including Governor Michelle Lujan Grisham, Attorney General Hector Balderas, and New Mexico Speaker of the House, Brian Egolf, receive thousands of dollars in oil and gas industry contributions every year.

As all signs indicate oil and gas is costing New Mexico dearly, the industry maintains its stranglehold on the state through political influence. Even champions for health and the environment, including New Mexico Senate President Pro Tem, Mimi Stewart, have killed legislation perceived to be a “danger” to the industry.

The real danger is that the oil and gas industry’s stranglehold on New Mexico stands to suffocate the state entirely, further decimating its economy, its health, its environment, and its people.

It’s time for elected officials in New Mexico to stop perpetuating the costly myth that the state needs oil and gas. The truth is that for New Mexico’s health, economy, sustainability, and prosperity, the state’s leaders need to stop the industry’s stranglehold and make just and equitable transition from fossil fuels a number one priority. Take action today.

Representative Deb Haaland’s nomination by President Biden to lead the Interior Department represents an historic opportunity to drive the systemic change the natural world, our climate, and our country so desperately need.

If confirmed, Haaland—an enrolled member of the Laguna Pueblo—would be the first Indigenous person to run any Cabinet-level department in the history of the United States.

The full Senate vote to confirm Representative Haaland will be Monday, March 15, so we’re asking you to contact both of your senators today.

Unfortunately, Biden’s most historic Cabinet nomination could also be his most imperiled. That’s because senators in the back pocket of the dirty fossil fuel industry simply don’t want a climate justice activist and protector of public lands at the reins of the Interior Department.  Which is why we’re asking you—imploring you—to speak out on behalf of Haaland’s confirmation today.

Representative Haaland is a steadfast champion of bold climate action, environmental justice, Tribal rights, and protection of public lands and endangered wildlife.

In Congress, Haaland has been at the forefront of issues central to the climate and nature crises that the Interior Department must address. The Interior Department must stop the plundering of public lands, protect endangered species, implement policies that nurture an ethic of wildlife coexistence, protect 30% of all lands by 2030, and expand and deepen protection of national parks, monuments, and cultural sites.

Representative Haaland is exactly the visionary leader America needs to guide the Interior Department toward justice, equity, conservation, and environmental protection at this pivotal point in history. Her bold vision to address the nature and climate crises is precisely why some senators—and the resource exploiters bankrolling their election campaigns—adamantly oppose her leading the Interior Department.

They’re saying she’s too radical. But Haaland is merely committed to the bold and just path of transitioning our nation off our dependence on dirty fossil fuels.

Confirmation of Representative Haaland to be Interior Secretary would be a monumental step forward for Indigenous rights, climate action, environmental justice, and protection of public lands and threatened wildlife. In these times we need bold leadership, so please join me and urge your senators to support and confirm Representative Haaland to lead the U.S. Department of the Interior.

It’s another victory for the climate that we couldn’t have won without your support!

This week, a federal court ruled the U.S. Office of Surface Mining illegally approved an expansion of a massive coal mine in Montana. The judge issued a stinging rebuke, finding the agency inappropriately ignored the climate costs of more coal and more carbon pollution.

It’s a big win, but we still have work to do. Sign our petition today to ensure President Biden follows through with bold action to keep dirty coal in the ground and ensure a just transition.

The ruling comes in response to a lawsuit we filed with our partners at the Western Environmental Law Center and Montana Environmental Information Center. It underscores the need for President Biden to make federal coal reform an absolute priority.

The president recently issued a landmark Executive Order committing the federal government to bold climate action. While that order paused new oil and gas leasing on public lands, it gave coal a free pass—even though coal mining on public lands remains a major climate threat.

Tell President Biden that he can’t let coal off the hook! Sign the petition and make sure the president pauses new federal coal leasing and mining.

We’re winning in court thanks to your strong voice, your relentless actions, and your generous support, but we won’t truly win for our climate and public lands until the federal government stops permitting more coal.

With the election of President Joe Biden, hopes are high that he follows through with his campaign promise to ban fossil fuels on public lands and waters in the United States, but we’re leaving nothing to chance as we continue to build momentum for the President to take bold climate action.

Bringing the People Power

Our campaign to keep fossil fuels in the ground on public lands and waters began in earnest way back in 2015, when we helped galvanize a coalition to take action to hold President Obama accountable to bold climate action.

Our aim? Put an end to selling public lands and waters for offshore drilling, onshore fracking, and massive coal strip mining.

At the end of 2016, we stepped up the pressure on the Obama Administration more than ever, delivering the message straight to the U.S. Department of the Interior, which oversees fossil fuel development in much of the U.S.

While the past four years have seen unprecedented giveaways to the fossil fuels industry and assaults on public lands, we’ve kept up the action. Even in the face of the Trump administration’s blatant disregard of climate, communities, and justice, we’ve continued our protests to keep fossil fuels in the ground and put climate first.

With the election of Joe Biden as President, new hope has emerged for our climate, but keeping the pressure up is more critical than ever.

Shortly after the election, we put out the call for action to ensure the President-elect followed through with his commitment for ban on fossil fuels, circulating a petition that so far has received more than 10,000 signatures!

In December, we joined more than 500 other groups in calling on then President-elect Biden to follow through with his commitment to take action on federal fossil fuels, calling for the signing of an executive order to ban new leasing and permitting on public lands and waters.

And this week, environmental justice, Indigenous, climate and conservation groups from across the country delivered millions of petitions and public comments, and letters from hundreds of organizations, supporting a halt on new fossil fuel leasing and permitting on public lands and oceans.

We know that President Biden is facing enormous lobbying from the fossil fuel industry to back down. It’s up to us to ensure the President overcomes this influence and stays true to his commitments.

Upping the Legal Pressure

Our efforts to build people power come as WildEarth Guardians is stepping up unprecedented legal pressure to ensure President Biden delivers on his promises.

Earlier this month, we filed a new lawsuit to overturn the Trump administration’s sale of more than one million acres of public lands for fracking in the American West, aiming to ensure the new administration follows through with bold action keep fossil fuels in the ground.

The lawsuit is the latest in a series of legal actions challenging the Trump administration for selling public lands for fracking in violation of federal environmental laws and climate science.

Just last week, on behalf of WildEarth Guardians and a coalition of plaintiffs, the Western Environmental Law Center filed an amended lawsuit to overturn the sale of nearly 45,000 acres of public lands in New Mexico’s Greater Chaco region.

Also this month, WildEarth Guardians, the Montana Environmental Information Center, Waterkeeper Alliance, Sierra Club, Center for Biological Diversity, and the Western Environmental Law Center filed suit to overturn the sale of nearly 60,000 acres of public lands in Montana.

Oh, and WildEarth Guardians also called on a federal appeals court to block the sale of nearly 70,000 acres of public lands in New Mexico.

The lawsuits come as numerous court rulings have rejected the Trump administration’s efforts to sell off millions of acres of public lands to the oil and gas industry without addressing the climate consequences of drilling and burning enormous quantities of fossil fuels. These wins include:

As we call on President Biden to take action, these legal efforts will ensure that one way or another, the administration will have no choice but to confront the climate consequences of selling public lands to the fossil fuel industry.

Light at the End of the Tunnel?

All this advocacy has set the state for President Biden to follow through with bold climate action and this week, he’s expected to issue an Executive Order that imposes a ban on fossil fuels.

While the details haven’t been released, suffice it to say, January 27, 2021 will go down in history as a watershed moment for climate action. President Biden’s Order promises to mark the first time the U.S. federal government commits to getting out of the business of selling fossil fuels and into the business of putting climate and justice first.

In the meantime, an Indigenous led coalition is upping the call for the President to not just Build Back Better, but Build Back Fossil Free. Just tonight, the coalition held an amazing digital rally on January 26 that you can watch here >>

Science supports winding down and ultimately phasing out fossil fuel production as an essential strategy to confronting the climate crisis. The law supports accountability to pausing federal fossil fuel leasing. And morality supports ensuring a just transition from fossil fuels in America.

We’ll see what President Biden announces this week, but whatever happens, we’re sure it will be a watershed moment for U.S. action to confront the climate crisis.

Today, Colorado Governor Jared Polis released the state’s final roadmap for reducing greenhouse gas emissions.  The roadmap ostensibly lays out the path for Colorado to meet the climate goals of House Bill-19-1261, which requires greenhouse gas emissions to be reduced 26% below 2005 levels by 2025, 50% by 2030, and 90% by 2050.

We acknowledge the moral responsibility of centering and lifting the voices of communities and organizations that work with frontline communities in government sanctioned sacrifice zones. To that end, below is the statement of frontline voices on Governor Polis’ Roadmap:

We know the problems and we have solutions, but Colorado government isn’t listening

Frontline communities say the Governor’s GHG Roadmap doesn’t go far enough

We live on the land of the Ute, Cheyenne, Arapahoe, and 48 surviving tribes whose descendants are still living and traveling through what we now call Colorado.

In Colorado, frontline communities are bearing the brunt of the climate crisis. For generations, communities of color and low-income have experienced the worst air quality, the worst water quality, and disproportionately live on contaminated soil—by no accident. Landfills, toxic waste treatment facilities, and polluting industries are more likely to be located near communities of color and low income. This concentration of pollution—compounded by extreme weather (heat waves and storms) and a lack of resilient community infrastructure, including healthcare and housing—means that these same communities, especially segregated rural and workforce communities, end up disenfranchised and struggling to survive.

To truly protect communities disproportionately impacted by the climate crisis we must first acknowledge then dismantle the harmful practices of environmental racism, white supremacy and predatory capitalism—made all the more clear by COVID19. Exclusion from decision making processes coupled with government negligence has resulted in environmental violence to our communities for generations, with little to no consequences for violators. We have sought to improve our relationship with the government so that we may heal these systemic problems and government sanctioned sacrifice zones together. We demand a government that is ready to guarantee the equal protection of us all under the law, for these laws to put our health and safety first, and for their policies to be made in consultation with the people most harmed by the legacy of pollution and the climate crisis.

  • It has been almost two years since HB19-1261 passed, and our communities have yet to see tangible action to rein in toxic air pollution or climate crisis-causing emissions. Our state needs to start moving rulemakings and policy now to make sure pollution in frontline communities is reduced and that our state’s climate goals are met. Every moment we delay, the communities who have been most harmed by pollution continue to live with the associated health
  • Colorado’s Climate Action Plan requires engagement and support of disproportionately-impacted communities, yet we are still waiting for CDPHE’s Equity Framework. The delay of this framework signals that disproportionately-impacted communities were not sufficiently consulted or centered, and therefore, are unlikely to reap the benefits that could come from the Governor’s
  • It is past time that we protect the people and respect the science. To be good ancestors for the next seven generations, the government should no longer silo and sideline equity efforts and instead actively work to untangle the systems that created these disproportionate impacts in the first

“The responsibility now rests on Colorado lawmakers and policy makers to build trust by giving the equity analysis top priority on their path to climate action. To truly remedy the generations of inequity and harm imposed on communities not afforded the same platforms to protect ourselves we need to stop doing with politics and economics what has been done to BIPOC communities for generations. That means no longer ignoring, flushing out, or choking out those communities most at risk to environmental and social injustice.”

  • Renee Millard-Chacon, Commerce City, CO Spirit of the Sun, 720-224-4204

“We have known for decades that when it comes to environmental pollution, BIPOC communities suffer the most. This pandemic is highlighting the disproportionate impact on our communities. So many Coloradans have voiced their concerns to our government agencies and even to the Governor himself. Each time we are told there will be change, yet polluting sites all over the state are still in operation despite dangerous, documented violations. If real actions are not taken now, by the time relief from environmental racism reaches us, it will be too late.”

  • Patricia Nelson, mother of a student of Bella Romero Academy Greeley, CO 337-532-0135

“Farmers and farm-workers are on the frontline of climate change daily — facing the threats of deepening drought and increasing heat. They are facing the impacts head-on and also ready to be part of the solution. Rural communities, agriculture, and workers all need to be central in conversations about climate action.”

  • Pete Kolbenschlag, Delta County, CO Colorado Farm & Food Alliance 970-261-0678

“Because our communities tend to have fewer financial resources, which translates to less political power, it tends to be easier for polluters to get away with contaminating our environment. Additionally, being in Southern Colorado away from the Capitol we have even less power. Our neighborhoods are used as waste dumps and rather than polluters paying for proper pollution prevention and waste management, the people of our communities end up subsidizing their profits with our health. Colorado regulators would be wise to recognize that our communities are the most directly and severely impacted and we have first-hand knowledge of the polluting practices of some of the worst corporate actors and therefore, have the potential to be an extremely valuable resource of information in the regulatory process.”

  • Jamie Valdez, Harmed by Xcel Energy’s Comanche Plant’s pollution, Pueblo, CO 720-933-6363

“The Greenhouse Gas Roadmap must ensure that communities of color who have been disproportionately impacted by harmful pollution and climate change are first in line for clean air protections. Governor Polis must fully listen and learn from Indigenous, Black and Brown people’s experience with pollution in order to protect the health of Colorado’s most impacted communities. Colorado’s most precious resource is its children — they all deserve clean air from this day forward.”

  • Shaina Oliver, member of the Dineh (Navajo) and Field Organizer for Moms Clean Air Force Colorado 303-994-2421

“Environmental racism is not holding Polluters accountable, it is overwhelming communities with bureaucratic processes that are only meant to check boxes, and othering our communities by not giving us equal protection under the law. Justice isn’t charity — we have rights to a healthy environment. Racism will continue as long as the government continues to sanction sacrifice zones, where our rights can be ignored for profit.”

  • Lucy Molina, Suncor is her deadly neighbor Commerce City, CO, 720-275-5479

“As a former oil and gas worker, I have seen first hand the destruction the oil and gas industry has on the land, workers, and rural communities, especially Indigenous nations. Now, I see gentrification pushing our Black and Brown people out of cities and down valleys. Often this redlining and gentrification puts us into toxic environments, and if they aren’t yet the industry has plans to seek the minerals beneath our homes at any cost, including our health.”

  • Emmett Hobley – Denver, CO, 720-610-6969

 

We the undersigned acknowledge the moral responsibility of centering and lifting the voices of communities and organizations that work with frontline communities in government sanctioned sacrifice zones.

350 Colorado

Clean Energy Action

Colorado Fiscal Institute

Colorado Farm & Food Alliance

Colorado Latino Forum

Colorado Rising

Colorado Sierra Club

Conservation Colorado

Defiende Nuestra Tierras

EarthJustice

E2- Environmental Entrepreneurs

Environmental Defense Fund

Good Business Colorado

GreenLatinos Colorado

Healthy Air and Water Colorado

Moms Clean Air Force

Mountain Mamas

Natural Resources Defense Council

North Front Range Concerned Citizens

Progress Now Colorado

Spirit of the Sun

WildEarth Guardians